Trading Bougainville Copper (ADRs) 867948

das Problem habe ich nicht, also, was darf´s denn sein?

Gruß
joebo  

http://www.postcourier.com.pg/20080204/mohome.htm

Semoso praises funding

THE United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) has been thanked by the Deputy Speaker of the Autonomous Bougainville Govern-ment, Francesca Semoso, for funding the Parliamentary-Select Committee on HIV/AIDS.
Ms Semoso, who is also the chairwoman of the Bougainville Parlia-mentary-Select Committee on HIV/AIDS on behalf of the ABG, said she would like to express her sincere gratitude to the UNFPA for funding the ABG leadership training on HIV/AIDS prevention and care in the region.
She added that this training was the second phase, with the first phase done in November last year.
ABG leaders, including President Joseph Kabui and Speaker Nick Peniai, attended the workshop showing that the government was committed.
“Let me reaffirm that this is a pilot project and the first of its kind in Papua New Guinea and other places in the Pacific region.”
Ms Semoso said: “It is a very successful workshop involving members of the Autonomous Bougainville Government, the administration and prominent stakeholders that are displaying a crucial role in addressing the epidemic in the region and the country,” Ms Semoso said.
The second phase of the UNFPA-funded ABG leadership training will start at the end of this month and it is targeted at traditional leadership roles in prevention, management and care, especially at constituency level. The council of elders (COEs) in all 33 constituencies are expected to attend.
In South and Central Bougainville the training for the COEs chairman and chief executive officers will be held at the Ositanata conference room in Arawa Town. The traditional leadership training for North will be held at the Kuri Village Resort next month.
The third component of the UNFPA leadership and training on leadership roles in HIV/AIDS prevention and care will be on community dialogue.  

http://www.abc.net.au/ra/francais/stories/s2153552.htm

Dernière mise a jour: 4/02/2008 11:00:47 AM  

Le gouvernement de Papouasie Nouvelle-Guinée se dit en droit de partager les ressources minérales de valeur de la province autonome de Bougainville. Comme le précise notre correspondant Firmin Nanol, la mine de cuivre de Bougainville, la quatrième plus grande mine de cuivre à ciel ouvert du monde, a été fermée en 1989 en pleine crise sécessionniste, mais elle devrait rouvrir ses portes un jour ou l'autre. La gestion des ressources minérales est pour l'instant entre les mains du gouvernement central mais, comme l'affirme le ministre papou des affaires minières, Puka Temu, cette gestion sera transférée aux autorités de la province autonome. Le Président du gouvernement autonome de Bougainville, Joseph Kabui, estime qu'après ce transfert, les autorités nationales ne devraient plus avoir quoi que ce soit à dire sur le développement des ressources minérales.
Faux, a répondu Puka Temu, la loi stipule que l'État reste le propriétaire de toutes les ressources de la province autonome. M. Temu prône donc un partage du gâteau entre le gouvernement central, le gouvernement autonome et les propriétaires fonciers.  

742 Mio USD Invest,also durchaus mit dem Betrag vergleichbar der in die Pangunamine investiert werden müsste ;-)))

Kosten pro pound of Copper 0,92 USD


http://www.thenational.com.pg/020408/Business1.htm

K2b needed to develop Kodu project: Frontier

By BRIAN GOMEZ

FRONTIER Resources has decided to proceed with a bankable feasibility study for its Kodu copper, gold and molybdenum project with the aim of starting production in March 2012.
The company’s report for the December quarter said an independent conceptual mining study indicated Kodu could be developed at an estimated cost of US$742 million (K2.1 billion) based on a 20 million tonnes a year operation over 10 years.
It said production should average about 53,000t of copper, 5.3t of gold, 1,400t of molybdenum and 27t of silver annually with a forecast cash operating cost of US$12.18 a tonne or equivalent of US$0.92 per pound of copper.
Kodu is located in EL1348 in Central province, about 55km northeast of Port Moresby and near the eastern part of a small portion of the Kokoda Track.
The exploration licence was awaiting renewal from the National Government.
Frontier said a consultative meeting was held with the PNG Government last Nov 15 in an effort to progress the renewal application.
It said all relevant stakeholders met and agreed that a compromise was necessary to achieve a “reasonable outcome” with the only dissent coming from Australian government representatives, who reportedly “noted they have ‘no say anyway’.’’
A further meeting last Jan 11 resulted in unanimous support from landowners and the Kokoda Track Authority.
The Frontier quarterly said company management believed there was good potential to substantially increase the size of the resource since Kodu was still open along strike to the south west and at depth.
The first round of bulldozer trenching had also come up with high grade gold, silver and lead mineralisation over an apparent strike length of 800m at Sirimu, which is 1.4km southwest of Kodu.
This provides “an attractive complementary target to the porphyry copper-gold-molybdenum” with the only previous hole in the area having intersected 2m at 15.5 grams a tonne of gold.
At the Andewa project in New Britain, Frontier was intent on fast-tracking evaluation of “the very promising Komsen gold/zinc prospect” to define a moderate grade, potentially vat leachable resource for possible near term development.
It said the 2,000m long multiple vein system had been relatively well defined over 1,000m and that it contained a core zone several hundred metres long.
Recent drill results included 7.9m at 10 g/t gold from a depth of 31.5m and 2.9m at 6.39 g/t just 2m below the surface.
Frontier believed it was “blazing a new trail of social responsibility and positive landowner engagement” by agreeing that all landowners will become 5% equity partners in any mine developed by the company in the country.
The landowners will be free-carried to production with their pro-rated capital expenditure for development to be repaid from pro-rated mine profits.  

http://www.thenational.com.pg/013108/Editorial.htm



Ramu – on our terms
MINING in China has long made headlines – and generally for all the wrong reasons.
From outside the country, it appears that the urgency to extract minerals is such that even the most superficial safety arrangements are ignored.
The number of mine deaths in China is among the highest in the world and growing.
How China chooses to extract its mineral wealth is a matter for the Chinese, although international organisations have expressed strong disapproval of the accident and mortality rates.
How China chooses to extract minerals in other countries must of course be a matter for the host governments to determine.
The development of the multi billion kina Ramu nickel deposits is in its early days but there are some disturbing signs that must be addressed if mining is to continue.
The discontent highlighted on our front page yesterday comes as no surprise.
The importation of Chinese security guards, allegedly heavily armed, must be reversed immediately.
That issue was the subject of questions last year, when assurances were given that no such influx would take place.
It has happened and there appears to be no intentions on the part of the managing company to change that situation.
Papua New Guineans are unaccustomed to having mines on their land exploited by foreigners, who are in turn guarded by other foreigners.
There is no reason for that decision; if the huge Porgera, Ok Tedi and Lihir mines can operate without imported heavies, then so can Ramu.
It was suggested on Tuesday that the Chinese investors should go and take an in-depth look at those long established mines and observe the conditions that have for decades been regarded as the PNG industry norm.
The mining towns offer much that is not to be found in other parts of the country.
The contracted workers expect to be treated well in exchange for the on-going isolation and separation from their families – and they are.
There have been few serious disagreements in PNG over mine conditions, accommodation, leisure facilities or catering.
The terrible turmoil that caused the implosion of Panguna mine was not generated by those issues.
Papua New Guineans will not accept peasant level terms and conditions at Ramu; they have seen what their brothers and sisters obtain at our other mines.
Nor will our people consent to being relegated to the lowest job categories.
The incoming Chinese investors appear to have no idea of the numbers of skilled Papua New Guineans employed at our other mines.
Or worse, perhaps they intend to ignore those industry parameters and employ our people in purely manual jobs at the lowest levels of renumeration.
If the latter is the case, the incoming investors may be shocked by our people’s refusal.
The company’s vice-president in PNG Wang Futian reportedly responded to the grievances by targeting just one of them – the question of local company participation in spin-off business contracts that he claimed were still being drawn-up in China.
If that is correct, it again underlines the basic lack of trust that already exists between the company and the people of the area.
Surely Ramu is the place to create and sign contracts between the investor and the locally based companies.
There is no apparent need for these contracts to be devised in China.
A trip to Lihir would show the Chinese investors what can be achieved by strong relationships between local landowner interests and foreign investors.
On another issue, the landowners are also on firm ground.
That’s the issue of the incoming Chinese being fluent in speaking English. That is a requirement laid down by each and every one of PNG’s overseas embassies and high commissions; no English, no visa.
Why should it be waived in this case?
If the Chinese wish to be accepted by the local population, then they must busy themselves and learn something of the customs and beliefs of our peoples; English and Tok Pisin would seem to be essentials for such a task.
The Ramu mine has huge potential for PNG.
But China needs to recognise that it is not of such over-riding importance that our people will accept a latter-day Freeport in the Madang province.  

http://www.thenational.com.pg/020508/Editorial.htm

Time for co-operation

Wird auch langsam Zeit ;-)))))))

IF Papua New Guinea is to have any hope of moving forward, it can only do so with a vastly improved level of co-operation between Government departments, statutory authorities and Government-owned corporations.
As matters stand, real progress – progress that will improve the lives of all citizens – is isolated and as a result, ineffectual.
And, as long as PNG continues to pursue both large and small projects in isolation, the benefits will be isolated, duplicitous and counter-productive.
This disease afflicts both the public and private sector.
Take school facilities at non-government schools, for example. Not so many years ago, none of Port Moresby’s private schools boasted a swimming pool.
Then a more than usually ambitious board of management decided to make their school “the school with the pool” and the first of these sporting and recreational facilities was built.
Not to be outdone, other private schools followed.
The cost of constructing these pools was huge, far more than the cost of transporting children from one school to another to use available pools.
Or take power politics.
If one province has a tertiary facility, then so too must neighbouring provinces.
Never mind that those millions of kina may be an appropriate expenditure in one province but completely unjustifiable in another; provincial pride demands at least an equal outlay and end result.
All of which is serious enough.
But far worse is the latest development – an outbreak of what is politely referred to as a “lack of communication” between authorities.
This means that Department A flatly ignores Department B, despite those involved being fully aware that the work of the two departments is often intertwined.
In recent weeks we have had a number of examples of such practices between water and power suppliers.
Power is a component of many forms of water supply generation.
Pumps and valve systems can be dependent on power; if the power is switched off, water levels in pipes diminish rapidly and water supplies are quickly exhausted.
This situation has occurred on a number of occasions at provincial headquarters throughout the country and even in the capital.
The Waterboard and Eda Ranu have both suffered from not knowing when PNG Power intends to cut the power supply to maintain its systems.
Madang has suffered badly from these problems; there have been similar reports from other centres, and during the past weekend Port Moresby residents had once again restricted or nil supplies.
All three of these organisations offer the public at best spasmodic warning of power or water outages. We accept that not all shortages can be predicted, but many can.
It is plainly nonsense that in a small country such as PNG, the managements of the three public utilities too often appear unable to alert each other of these situations, let alone the public.
A similar level of isolation occurs in many other areas of Government.
Natural disasters are the natural business of broadcasters – to issue urgent warnings, to marshal help and assistance and generally, to monitor life-threatening situations so that the whole country is kept informed.
Yet, broadcasters are often left out in the cold for many valuable hours, or issued with brief warnings or reports that are unspecific, too little and too late.
Some readers will recall that years ago, it was the custom for provincial governments to hold meetings at their headquarters and organise joint patrols.
These patrols saw the inclusion of representatives of the majority of provincial government departments; organised as an effective unit, they visited some of the most remote corners of their provinces.
They saw the problems, they listened to the people, they took the information back to their department headquarters – and they found solutions.
In the process they avoided duplication, they minimised expenses and the impact on their rural populations was rapid and far-reaching.
At the same time they came to understand both the work and the problems of other departments; that experience led to many effective inter-relationships.
It’s time the mud-slinging and the endless finger pointing between departments was stopped and the old skills of co-operation were re-introduced.
Then we will speed-up much inter-department business to the advantage of our country and its people.  

....My understanding is that the Meekamui want a financially rewarding outcome
and even Francis Ona would have accepted one ;-))))))))))))

U. genau darum ging es auch zu Beginn der "Crisis" in 89

Hätte PNG nicht gemauert,wäre das damals ausgehandelte neue BCA in Kraft getreten u. hätte B'ville viel Leid erspart.  

Per 31.10.07 hat der Fonds "GR Dynamik OP" von der Oppenheim KAG seine Position in BOC im Oktober um 37.122 Aktien auf 708.178 aufgestockt. Damit macht die Position innerhalb des Fonds 2,35% aus.
Quelle: Bloomberg  
 

@centwatch Ob das Engagements dieses Fonds aber sehr für eine Anlage in BOC spricht? Jedenfalls kommt diese Fragestellung

bei Betrachtung der Wertentwicklung dieses Fonds nicht  von ungefähr...:

Erfolgreichere Fonds als Mit-Minderheitsaktionäre wären mir lieber!

Gruß
diver

 

appear to be numbered

http://business.theage.com.au/...ar-to-be-numbered/20080206-1qnd.html

LAST Friday's $US14 billion raid on Rio ended the opening rounds of the battle for Rio, and yesterday's sweetened, formal bid by BHP is the beginning of the end-game.

The conclusion is still many months away, probably set for the first half of next year, after labyrinthine regulatory mazes have been negotiated. Unexpected developments are still to be expected — but BHP has retaken the initiative, and Rio's days appear to be numbered.

At 3.4 BHP shares for every Rio share, the offer is in the zone: the market pricing of Rio since BHP went public with its three shares-for one merger proposal in November implied a 3.3 share ratio as a rebid base, and the new offer is pitched at a respectable 45% premium to Rio's weighted average share price in October last year, just before BHP was flushed out.

Rio's board will almost certainly continue to argue that the group is worth more, and BHP now has form on the question of value, having boosted an offer it was previously arguing vehemently was fully priced.

But BHP has now declared that it will be happy if it secures just enough shares to pass the 50% shareholding mark, and take control of Rio without moving to full ownership.

The lower minimum acceptance condition is an important development, because it undermines the power of the Rio board's recommendation, and dilutes the blocking power of the 9% stake in the dual-listed Rio that China's Chinalco and its partner, Alcoa of the US, compiled last Friday in an on-market raid.

Earlier incarnations of Rio itself that saw control run from the British parent down to the Australian affiliate, CRA, and from there to a stable of partly owned but securely controlled subsidiaries including Comalco and Bougainville Copper somewhat ironically provide a template for partly owned but tightly run stables.

The Rio board and the Chinalco-Alcoa combine are not impotent. BHP chief executive Marius Kloppers said yesterday that BHP wanted to own 100% of Rio — the multibillion-dollar gains BHP says it will harvest from cost savings and volume increases will be much more difficult to produce if does not — and even if 50% is achieved, 100% will be impossible if Chinalco and Alcoa withhold their 12% holding in Rio plc, and next to impossible if the Rio board recommends against acceptance.

BHP would also welcome Rio's blessing because it would open the way for the hostile bid to be replaced with the more efficient and less costly scheme of arrangement merger that BHP first proposed. BHP's hope now is that Rio will engage directly in discussions that might settle bid terms and allow a scheme to be revived.

The offer would deliver ownership of 44% of the merged group to Rio shareholders, compared with a 41% share under the merger proposal it replaces, and Rio's 35% share of combined market capitalisation in October, before BHP went public.

The sweetened terms are the first element of BHP's revised strategy, the decision to accept control and not full ownership the second: both are leveraged tactically by Britain's takeover code, which governs the offer timetable.

The receipt of key regulatory approvals for the creation of the world's most powerful resources company are preconditions of the bid. European Union merger clearance will be the toughest hurdle, given the tendency of well funded EU competition regulators to dissect deals minutely, and not infrequently restrict or even block them, but pre-conditional nods are also needed from the US Department of Justice, the Australian Government on foreign investment grounds, Australia's ACCC, and Canadian and South African merger regulators.

Given how slowly the wheels of bureaucracy turn, nobody will be surprised if the regulatory reviews run to the end of this year, nor would it surprise if regulators decided that aspects of the combination were anti-competitive, and needed to excised.

Complete rejection of the deal is less likely, but not impossible. Chinalco and Alcoa may have a role in this part of the process, as potential buyers of assets that may spin out. Their main area of interest is the bauxite to aluminium asset chain, a major element of the merger following Rio's $US38 billion takeover of Alcan last year.

If BHP still has an asset combination it wants at the end of the regulatory approval process and any side-deals generated by it, the offer will be put to the shareholders of the London and Australian arms of the dual-listed Rio, and a strict timetable imposed by Britain's takeover rules will kick in.

Unlike the Australian takeover regime, which allows multiple bid extensions, the British regime effectively creates a 60 day deadline. Bid terms must be locked by day 46, and the minimum acceptance condition has to satisfied by day 60. At that point, the bid will be decided — BHP will be either short of 50% and its offer will fail, or past 50% and in control, and then a final 21 day period will run to allow stragglers to accept.

A rush of acceptances would follow if BHP moved above 50% and the question of control — and the control premium — was decided, although Chinalco and Alcoa would still hold the key to full ownership, and their motives for taking a stake remain mysterious.

So far, the market is sending mixed signals about BHP's push. BHP shares fell by twice as much as the browbeaten market, losing $2.99 or 7.5%, at least partly on concern that BHP is offering too much. Rio nevertheless closed 2% above the new bid value.
The offer would deliver ownership of 44% of the merged group to Rio shareholders, compared with a 41% share under the merger proposal it replaces, and Rio's 35% share of combined market capitalisation in October, before BHP went public.

The sweetened terms are the first element of BHP's revised strategy, the decision to accept control and not full ownership the second: both are leveraged tactically by Britain's takeover code, which governs the offer timetable.

The receipt of key regulatory approvals for the creation of the world's most powerful resources company are preconditions of the bid. European Union merger clearance will be the toughest hurdle, given the tendency of well funded EU competition regulators to dissect deals minutely, and not infrequently restrict or even block them, but pre-conditional nods are also needed from the US Department of Justice, the Australian Government on foreign investment grounds, Australia's ACCC, and Canadian and South African merger regulators.

Given how slowly the wheels of bureaucracy turn, nobody will be surprised if the regulatory reviews run to the end of this year, nor would it surprise if regulators decided that aspects of the combination were anti-competitive, and needed to excised.

Complete rejection of the deal is less likely, but not impossible. Chinalco and Alcoa may have a role in this part of the process, as potential buyers of assets that may spin out. Their main area of interest is the bauxite to aluminium asset chain, a major element of the merger following Rio's $US38 billion takeover of Alcan last year.

If BHP still has an asset combination it wants at the end of the regulatory approval process and any side-deals generated by it, the offer will be put to the shareholders of the London and Australian arms of the dual-listed Rio, and a strict timetable imposed by Britain's takeover rules will kick in.

Unlike the Australian takeover regime, which allows multiple bid extensions, the British regime effectively creates a 60 day deadline. Bid terms must be locked by day 46, and the minimum acceptance condition has to satisfied by day 60. At that point, the bid will be decided — BHP will be either short of 50% and its offer will fail, or past 50% and in control, and then a final 21 day period will run to allow stragglers to accept.

A rush of acceptances would follow if BHP moved above 50% and the question of control — and the control premium — was decided, although Chinalco and Alcoa would still hold the key to full ownership, and their motives for taking a stake remain mysterious.

So far, the market is sending mixed signals about BHP's push. BHP shares fell by twice as much as the browbeaten market, losing $2.99 or 7.5%, at least partly on concern that BHP is offering too much. Rio nevertheless closed 2% above the new bid value.

The Maiden family owns BHP shares.

mmaiden@theage.com.au  

http://news.theage.com.au/...-about-selling-merger/20080207-1qox.html

BHP Billiton Ltd executives are going back on the road to build support for the mining giant's $US147.40 billion ($A164.79 billion) bid for Rio Tinto Ltd, even though its rejection has underlined the case for a higher offer.

Rio Tinto knocked back the formal 3.4 for one scrip bid, saying it significantly undervalued the world's third largest mining company.

It was the second time Rio Tinto directors had publicly rejected advances from the world's largest mining company, following an initial three for one proposal last November.

"BHP Billiton's offers, while improved, still fail to recognise the underlying value of Rio Tinto's quality assets and prospects," Rio Tinto chairman Paul Skinner said.

The new offer, which has a minimum acceptance condition of more than 50 per cent of Rio Tinto's shares, complied with a February 6 "put up or shut up" deadline set by UK regulators.

"Rio has always touted that they are worth more and their independent advisors have been saying that BHP can afford up to 4.25-to-one," DJ Carmichael analyst James Wilson told AAP.

Mr Skinner said the target would maintain its stance "unless a proposal is made that fully reflects the value of Rio Tinto".

A BHP Billiton spokeswoman declined to comment.

Rio Tinto piled on the pressure on BHP Billiton after adding three billion tonnes of iron ore to its resource base in the Pilbara region of Western Australia.

"Rio Tinto has an exceptional portfolio of assets and significant stand alone growth opportunities, particularly in iron ore, copper and aluminium," chief executive Tom Albanese said.

However, while 875 million tonnes of the extra resource came from a new discovery at the Caliwingina deposit, the remainder comes from re-estimates of other known deposits or, as Rio Tinto, put "increased confidence".

Argo Investments managing director Rob Patterson, whose investment firm holds Rio Tinto and BHP Billiton shares, said BHP Billiton's offer "should be enough to get Rio talking".

The Rio Tinto board has so far refused to engage in discussions with its larger rival.

But calls for an improved offer are growing with ABN Amro telling clients that BHP Billiton needs a "cash sweetener or something closer to 3.7-for-one".

Fat Prophets said in a client note a bid of around four-for-one was needed to sway Rio shareholders.

Pengana Capital fund manager Rick Ronge believes BHP Billiton has "room to move" on its offer.

"On the work that we have done, we believe that it can go to 3.5 (shares for every Rio Tinto share)," Mr Ronge told AAP.

China's state owned aluminium giant Chinalco and partner Alcoa Inc, which acquired a nine per cent stake in the dual-listed Rio Tinto, is watching development.

BHP Billiton chief executive Marius Kloppers and a number of the company's senior executives have set off on a routine post-results global roadshow, which will also used to sell the benefits of the improved bid.

The investor blitz will canvas analysts and investors in Australia, the United Kingdom, North America, South Africa and Asia, over two to three weeks.

If successful, the takeover will be the largest in mining history and the second largest in global corporate history.

BHP Billiton has arranged a $US55 billion ($A61.49 billion) financing deal, the largest bank loan in history, to fund a $US30 billion ($A33.54 billion) share buyback and refinance Rio Tinto debt if successful.

Rio Tinto shares lost 14 cents to close at $127.00, while BHP Billiton added 26 cents to $36.92.  

http://www.thenational.com.pg/020708/Nation_40.htm

Kabui agrees to give funds to Kieta district (Kieta ist der erst kürzlich neugeschaffene Distrikt,in dem sich die Pangunamine befindet mit Arawa als (demnächst) neuer Bougainville Hauptstadt.Dort sollen auch die demnächst von NZ entsendeten Polizeikräfte stationiert werden.

By AUGUSTINE KINNA

THE president of the Autonomous Region of Bougainville Joseph Kabui has rescinded his earlier decision not to provide immediate financial assistance to the Kieta district administration.
A delegation of village chiefs and senior government officers from Kieta district met with Mr Kabui to discuss the burning down of the Kieta district office and the general law and order problem in the area.
The delegation that included commissioner for Central Bougainville James Koibo also sought financial assistance from the ABG to fund temporary office location.
During the meeting, Mr Kabui told delegates that the government was reluctant to give money for this purpose and instead urged them to hand over the culprits to face the law and be brought to justice.
Mr Kabui said ABG would only make money available if the law breakers were brought to justice.
However, during a meeting with the Kieta public servants, chiefs and the general public Mr Kabui changed his mind and said the government would find the money to help relocate public servants in Arawa.
He told the people of Arawa that he has now removed his earlier decision and would advise officers in Buka to find money for this purpose.
Mr Kabui said it is important that people continue to receive government services.
Meanwhile,Autonomous Bougainville Government member for North Nasion Matthias Salsa warned of taking the Government to court if police personnel were withdrawn from Arawa.
Police commissioner, Gary Baki has since ordered a halt to the move and that police would remain in Arawa.  

 

Just look at what I sent you about the Meeting between the National Government and ABG during the Joint Supervisory meeting last month.

Panguna mine will open and it is not up to Mr Chris Uma. It is up to the National Government, ABG and the landowners.

I have already given copies of Sven's report to Prime Minister, His Deputy and the Vice Minister. I am working on copies for the Ministers.

I am meeting with the Vice Minister over the weekend.  

http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=10651803

Bougainville

The formula for the division of royalties already gives 20% to the landowners and 80% to the local government, leaving nothing to the central government.

Laut Landowners Proposal sollen die durch die Pangunamine generierten Steuereinnahmen 40:40:20 zwischen PNG/ABG/Landowners aufgeteilt werden.Im Grunde genommen ist der einzige Knackpunkt noch der Prozentsatz der Aufteilung zwischen PNG u. ABG.Ob Kabui sich auf Druck der Meekamuis im Mom. so unflexibel zeigt oder sich mit der 0:80 Forderung für'sABG nur eine bessere Verhandlungsposition sichern will bleibt abzuwarten.Fakt ist dass auch 80% der Steuereinnahmen ohne wiedereröffnete Pangunamine nicht sehr viel abwerfen.
An einer Einigung führt also kein Weg vorbei.BOC Aktionäre können also gelassen abwarten,das vorhandene Cash ist an der ASX gewinnbringend angelegt,die Assets gewinnen durch steigende Rohstoffpreise bei Kupfer,Silber,Gold,Molybdän,Rhenium etc. stetig an Wert.;-)))

Explosive mines
Feb 7th 2008 | CANBERRA
From The Economist print edition

A dispute over who owns the minerals brings echoes of a bloody war

ROWS about minerals sparked the decade-long civil war between Bougainville and Papua New Guinea (PNG). Now Bougainville's politicians are hoping mining revenues will allow them to repair destroyed infrastructure and raise living standards. But this has brought them into conflict with PNG about the terms of the autonomy arrangements that ended the war in 1997, and raised questions about the rightful ownership of the mineral deposits secreted under the island's towering, rainforest-covered mountain ranges.

PNG's prime minister, Sir Michael Somare, and his influential deputy, Puka Temu, visited Bougainville in late January for negotiations. They acknowledged the need to transfer supervisory powers over mining to the Autonomous Government of Bougainville (ABG), but Mr Temu argued that “the state”, ie, PNG, should remain owner of all the resources. Joseph Kabui, president of the ABG since 2005, strongly disagrees. He argues that if his government were to accept PNG's ownership of the resources, it would lose all support and there would be a serious danger of the rebellion's beginning again.

That rebellion, which some claim cost 15,000-20,000 lives, was sparked by landowner disputes centred on the distribution of revenues from the vast Panguna copper mine operated by a Rio Tinto subsidiary. When the PNG government sent in the army to quash the rebellion, it escalated into an independence struggle, led by the Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA). PNG's soldiers withdrew after a 1990 ceasefire. But the embattled island then endured a long and debilitating conflict among the islanders themselves.

The peace agreement eventually reached between BRA leaders and PNG politicians in 2001 entailed the PNG government's accepting greater autonomy for Bougainville and a referendum on independence, to be held at some point between 2015-20. In the intervening period, powers were to be devolved to the ABG. The latest dispute centres on the first big transfer of powers under the new arrangements. That this devolution of authority concerns mine ownership and regulation reinforces its sensitivity.

Mr Kabui and his ministers argue that the mine-ownership issue matters little to the national government, but is of pivotal significance to Bougainville. The formula for the division of royalties already gives 20% to the landowners and 80% to the local government, leaving nothing to the central government. The biggest source of mining revenue is company taxation, the distribution of which Mr Kabui agrees must be negotiated with the national government. But the PNG government is worried, regardless of the financial implications, that the inexperienced ABG will be hoodwinked by the unscrupulous international mining companies waiting in the wings. That may indeed be a real danger, but a peace settlement that provides for autonomy should leave room for Bougainvilleans to learn to handle tough negotiations by themselves.  

Zur Erinnerung, hier noch mal das Statement von BOC im Halbjahresbericht vom 10.8.2007 zum Thema Panguna Mine. Man darf gespannt sein, was im vorläufigen GB stehen wird.

"Bougainville Copper Limited (BCL) has been having ongoing dialogue with
the National and Autonomous Bougainville Governments in friendly and
cordial manner with aim of commencing a formal renegotiation of the
Bougainville Copper Agreement.

BCL understands that a number of candidates campaigned on the restart
of the Panguna operations during the recent elections.

Work is continuing on obtaining agreement with landowners on access to
the mine site. BCL has offered to undertake a safety and environmental
survey of the mine site area as soon as access is available.

BCL believes that dialogue, aimed at a re-start of mining, is worth
pursuing. The company believes reopening the mine will help the people of
Bougainville achieve a prosperous future."  

Auch wenn die Rohstoffpreise im Moment beim BOC Kurs noch keine Rolle spielen,so macht es doch Freude dass die Assets immer wertvoller werden ;-)))

Gold 919,30 +1,14%
Silber 17,06 + 1,97%
Rhodium http://www.kitco.com/charts/rhodium.html
Molybdän "MOLY"THE NEXT SECTOR TO ROCK!  http://www.kitcometals.com/commentaries/Hoy/sep262005.html  

40:40:20 oder 0:80:20,

das sieht doch fast nach einer arithmetischen (Mittel-) Lösung aus, 20:60:20,

damit wäre doch allen gedient, bzw. alle könnten ihr Gesicht waren,

der ABG hätte den Löwenanteil, PNG immer noch einen Fuß in der Tür,

ich persönlich denke, PNG tut gut daran, sich nicht alle Dinge aus der Hand nehmen zu lassen,

ob Bougainville, mit ca. 180.000 Bewohnern, tatsächlich in der Lage ist, eine komplette, funktionierende „Regierung“ zu stellen,

also besser PNG sitzt mit im Boot,

warten wir mal ab, wie es kommen wird …
 

40:40:20 oder 0:80:20,

das sieht doch fast nach einer arithmetischen (Mittel-) Lösung aus, 20:60:20,

damit wäre doch allen gedient, bzw. alle könnten ihr Gesicht waren,

der ABG hätte den Löwenanteil, PNG immer noch einen Fuß in der Tür,

ich persönlich denke, PNG tut gut daran, sich nicht alle Dinge aus der Hand nehmen zu lassen,

ob Bougainville, mit ca. 180.000 Bewohnern, tatsächlich in der Lage ist, eine komplette, funktionierende „Regierung“ zu stellen,

also besser PNG sitzt mit im Boot,

warten wir mal ab, wie es kommen wird …
 

werden wohl noch ca 10 Jahre vergehen.Bis dahin gelten die PNG Gesetze,auch Landesverteidigung u. Aussenpolitik bleibt bis dahin eine PNG Domaine.Auch wenn Boug verständlicherweise die Kontrolle über ihre Bodenschätze selbst ausüben will,denke ich dass ein von der Weltbank "kontrolliertes" ABG Mining Ministerium,bei dem eine PNG Mineral Resources Autority das letzte Wort hat für BOC und fuer uns als Aktionäre von Vorteil ist.Die % Aufteilung des "Kuchens" braucht uns dabei nicht gross zu interessieren,solange die Landeigner angemessen beteiligt werden.

Z.Zt. spricht die Faktenlage jedenfalls ganz klar für die Wiedereröffnung,nur hat die Masse der Anleger das noch garnicht mitbekommen wie jeder am Kurs unschwer feststellen kann.Wenn jedoch eine allumfassende Einigung erstmal publiziert wird,wird es mit einem billigen Einstieg wohl nicht mehr klappen ;-)))))))))))))))))  

http://www.geldanlage-report.de/

Viele Anleger unterliegen dem Irrglauben, dass die Aktien, die während der Korrektur am stärksten gefallen sind, anschließend auch das höchste Rebound-Potenzial haben. Das ist falsch. Im Gegenteil: Von besonderem Interesse für Sie als Anleger sollten die Aktien sein, die bei den kleinsten Erholungstendenzen am Gesamtmarkt bereits wieder alte Höchststände ansteuern.

Denn: Der Markt ist rationaler als Sie vielleicht denken! Eine extrem hohe relative Stärke in einem schwierigen Gesamtmarkt deutet darauf hin, dass die Geschäfte beim betreffenden Unternehmen glänzend laufen. Sie können davon ausgehen, dass es immer Anleger gibt, die mehr wissen als andere - und wenn Korrekturtiefs sofort wieder durch starke Käufe ausgebügelt werden, dann stecken meist eben diese informierten Anleger dahinter.

Besonders gut lässt sich das an den Charts von eher marktengen Werten erkennen. "Markteng" heißt, dass nur eine relativ geringe Zahl von Aktien frei handelbar ist und damit meist auch nur wenige Großaktionäre vorhanden sind.

Aufpassen sollten Sie auch bei hochspekulativen Papieren, wo der Verdacht der Kursmanipulation nicht ausgeschlossen werden kann. Sie erkennen solche Aktien daran, dass von Vorstandsseite und Hofberichterstattern (einschlägig bekannte kostenlose Börsenbriefe) zwar große Versprechungen gemacht werden, die nackten Zahlen aber Verluste ausweisen.  

New Zealand to train Bougainville cops

http://www.islandsbusiness.com/news/index_dynamic/...Article-full.tpl

BUKA, BOUGAINVILLE ---- New Zealand High Commissioner to Papua New Guinea (PNG) Neil Holmes and his country’s deputy police commissioner are in Bougainville to launch their assistance programme to the Bougainville police division,, reports The National

Also accompanying them was the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary Commissioner Jeffery Baki who came to witness the launching.

“I am very pleased to be in Bougainville and to witness the progress taking place within the Bougainville police service,”Mr Holmes said.

He stressed the importance of phase four of the project as part of assimilating law and order back into Bougainville.

The High Commissioner’s delegation was in PNG also to share the members’ thoughts and experiences with the police and the people with regard to the situation in Bougainville.

Mr Baki said the launching indicated steps in the right direction in terms of the fragile peace process.

“I believe this indicates New Zealand’s concern and growing support for the restoration of law and order which is part and parcel of the peace process,” he said.

Team leader of the New Zealand Police contingent Verne Morris said in Buka they were slowly making progress in the restoration of law and order adding that the situation in Bougainville was manageable.  

http://map.mineral.gov.pg/tiki/...INERAL+RESOURCES+AUTHORITY+HOMEPAGE  

http://www.postcourier.com.pg/20080211/mohome.htm

Panguna chief gags mine talks

CHIEF Peter Kove, a landowner from the abandoned Panguna mine area, has reiterated that the mine should not be a discussion issue for any politician, bureaucrat or Bougainvilleans.
A frustrated Mr Kove, from Guava village, said he had decided to respond to a request by the Government of Papua New Guinea to have mineral rights on Bougainville and added that anything either on Panguna or under Panguna belonged to the landowners the same as what that was on or under the land in other parts of Bougainville belonged to that particular group of landowners.
“This is in the Bougainville Constitution,” Mr Kove said. “It is embarrassing for the Prime Minister (Sir Michael Somare) and Deputy Prime Minister Dr Puka Temu to ask who owns the minerals on Bougainville.
“Many Bougainvilleans died fighting for the land and if the Government of PNG wants to retain mineral rights on Bougainville, it is just embarrassing.
Bougainvilleans can not ask for mineral rights in any part of Papua New Guinea.”
Mr Kove also said that certain Members of Parliament (MPs) had been going to Bougainville and after meeting and discussing issues of importance with the landowners, returned to Port Moresby and preached about reopening the Panguna mine, “an issue that was never discussed”. “They go back to Port Moresby and say that everything is okay and the landowners have agreed to reopen the Panguna mine,” Mr Kove said. “As Me’ekamui Defence Force Commander Chris Uma said, any attempts to reopen the Panguna mine will only disrupt the peace process.” Autonomous Bougainville Government President Joseph Kabui, in a speech delivered during the Joint Supervisory Board (JSB) meeting in Buka recently said that he was concerned about the request for ownership of mineral deposits to stay with the PNG Government when mining, oil and gas powers had been transferred to the ABG.
“I want to make the position of the ABG position on this issue absolutely clear,” Mr Kabui said. “Our position is one that reflects the history of Bougainville and that is a history that you know well, Prime Minister. You were here in the 1970s, you have seen for yourself the depth of feeling among Bougainvilleans about issues of ownership of minerals.
“In other words, if the National Government seriously proposes keeping ownership of the resources, that alone could be enough to destroy the process.”

[Go to the top  

http://www.thenational.com.pg/021108/nation3.htm

Wer erinnert sich noch an die Zeitungsartikel vor etlichen Jahren,dass als Missionare getarnte Fijis nach B'ville einreisten um unter Führung von Musingku dseine Privatarmee zu tränieren,um eine neue Revolution anzuzetteln.

Der heutige Artikel beweist wieder mal: War doch alles halb so schlimm ;-))))))))))))

Court frees four Fijians in B’ville

By Aloysius Laukai
The four Fijians accused of training a private army for U-vistract principal Noah Musingku on Bougainville, have been set free by the court.
The National Court in Buka last Friday released the four Fijians – Jolame Gukirewa, Kalivati Muriatabua, Manasa Dumuloto and Aliki Moroca – due to insufficient evidence to prosecute them.
The four Fijians were accused of assisting in forming an unauthorised force, breaching Section 51 of the Criminal Code, and for conducting unlawful training of a military, para-military or police force, contrary to Section 53 (1) of the Criminal Code.
In his ruling, Justice Ambeng Kandakasi said he had to uphold the no-case submission by the Fijians because there were serious inconsistencies and deficiencies in the evidence called by the State.
The State’s evidence consisted of records of interviews with police and oral-sworn testimonies of Benjamin Kiaku, James Dising and Joseph Noro.
Of all the witnesses the State called, Mr Kiaku was the most critical witness because he was the person the State alleged to have been trained with others for Mr Musingku’s illegal force.
Mr Kiaku testified that the Fijians provided him and others including Mr Musingku with marching and gun salute trainings and organised and carried out Christian worships every afternoon.
Mr Kiaku said all of these were aimed at helping him and others to rehabilitate and return to living normal lives in the community after their years of fighting in the bush during the Bougainville crisis.
He said there was no training provided for the use of firearms and fighting in the bush because that was what he and his colleagues were already used to.
He further testified that following their arrests and whilst in lawful custody, the Fijians continued with their Christian duties and led and organised worships in prison.
The other witness, Mr Dising, an observer from outside, was not specific on the date, time and the condition under which he made his observations. He was also not clear on what each of the four did for the purpose of the charges against them.
Mr Noro, the administrator covering the Tonu area, said he visited Mr Musingku’s place called King’s Square twice on his invitation.
He said he saw a guard of honour put up by the U-vistract Mekamui defence force with a gun salute, which included the Fijians.
When asked to describe what he meant by gun salute, he said he was not a military man and was not able to describe it but only said that it was amusing.
When he was asked by the prosecuting counsel whether what he saw was sanctioned by the Bougainville or the national administration, he said he did not know and was not able to answer.
Justice Kandakasi concluded that the State’s records of interview in the relevant parts were based on photographs which were not part of the record of interview and not in evidence.
The judge said it was not safe to consider and take into account the incomplete evidence in their respective records of interview, especially when the State was under an obligation to produce the missing evidence, but failed to do so.
The Fijians told The National in Buka after court that they were happy with the decision and were just looking forward to go home.
They said that they were just waiting for the PNG Foreign Affairs Department to speed up their papers so that they could go home.
They have already contacted their High Commission Office in Port Moresby about their release.
They also appealed to the last remaining Fijian, Maloni Namoli, who is still in Tonu with Mr Musingku, to surrender to authorities as soon as possible.