wird es Luftangriffe auf den Iran geben?
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Insofern wäre der Iran rechtlich auf der sicheren Seite.
Nur - viele Leute und Regierungen glauben, daß der Iran neben einer erlaubten und überwachten Anreicherung auch eine weitere im Dunkeln betreiben will, um sich auf diese Weise spaltbares Material für Waffen zu besorgen. Zwar behauptet der Iran das Gegenteil, aber das wird ihm von den USA und vielen anderen Ländern nicht geglaubt. Deshalb wollen diese Staaten, daß der Iran vollkommen auf die eigene Anreicherung verzichtet - wozu er nach dem Atomwaffensperrvertrag aber eben gerade nicht verpflichtet ist.
Deshalb versuchen die USA und die EU, eine "Nachbesserung" des Atomwaffensperrvertrages durch Verhandlungen mit dem Iran und mit Drohungen an ihn zu erreichen. Das ist ein ganz normaler Konflikt zwischen Soveränitätsanspruch und Rechtsanspruch eines Staates und den aus (vermutlich gerechtfertigtem) Mißtrauen genährten Forderungen anderer Staaten.
Auf (gar nicht so) lange Sicht wird sich eine sehr weitgehende Verbreitung von Atomwaffen und anderen üblen Massenvernichtungswaffen biologischer und chemischer Art gar nicht vermeiden lassen. Da kommt was auf uns zu, so oder so.
Warte mal ab, was nach dem nächsten Putsch in Pakistan passiert. Dabei können Atomwaffen in die Hände von Leuten fallen, gegen die die iranischen Mullahs wie extrem rational handelnde PolitikerBarcode: Der Streit geht nicht eigentlich um Kontrollen, klassischen Zuschnitts aussehen werden.
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Zu rechtlichen Lage soviel: Auch die Vorbereitung auf einen Schlag darf schon als Aggression gewertet werden. Ein Staat der verspricht andere Staaten vernichten zu wollen, lebt also sehr gefährlich.
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Dass der Iran ein Recht auf friedliche Nutzung in vollem Umfang - inklusive Urananreicherung - hat, hab ich doch schon häufiger gepostet. Dem hab ich nirgends widersprochen...
Gruß BarCode
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A campaign of this sort has been under way for weeks. In late August the staff of the GOP-led House Intelligence Committee released a report on Iran that depicted it as a pressing strategic danger. Iran "probably" has a biological weapons program and "likely" has a chemical weapons research and development program, it said. More alarming, the report stated that Iran was definitely "seeking" nuclear weapons and enriching weapons-grade uranium. It conceded that US intelligence lacked crucial information on Iran's WMDs, but it warned intelligence analysts not to be wimps in reaching assessments about Iran's WMD capabilities and not to "shy away from provocative conclusions." That is, don't wait for hard-and-fast evidence before pronouncing Iran a nuclear threat.
The media coverage of the report was straightforward--a bit too straightforward. Major news stories did not question the report's assertion that Iran is producing weapons-grade uranium. Yet three weeks later, the International Atomic Energy Agency sent a letter to Peter Hoekstra, Republican chair of the House Intelligence Committee, criticizing the report for being "outrageous and dishonest." It noted that uranium for weapons must be 90 percent enriched but that Iran had enriched uranium only to 3.5 percent. The IAEA letter--first reported by the Washington Post--also challenged the committee's unsupported assertion that the IAEA has a policy barring its officials "from telling the whole truth about the Iranian nuclear program." The report was born of an agenda: to whip up public support for military action against Iran. Its principal author was Frederick Fleitz, a former CIA official who had worked for hard-liner John Bolton at the State Department. The report was not fully vetted by the intelligence committee before being released by Hoekstra (who in June was claiming that there had been WMDs in Iraq), but it was reviewed by the office of John Negroponte, the hawkish Director of National Intelligence. Pardon our suspicion, but this whole deal appears to be an end run orchestrated by a Boltonite keen on clearing the way for military action.
The obvious question is, can they get away with it again? In this sequel the war advocates have another repressive regime to demonize and another proliferation challenge they can portray as a dire and immediate threat. Knight Ridder reports that CIA and Pentagon intelligence officials are concerned that the offices of Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld are "receiving a stream of questionable information" on Iran from Iranian exiles (à la Ahmad Chalabi and the Iraqi National Congress). But the Knight Ridder report adds: As was not the case during the Iraq episode, "intelligence analysts and others are more forcefully challenging claims they believe to be false or questionable." And foreign policy "realists" and retired and currently serving members of the military are warning that with Iraq falling apart, confrontation with Iran is not feasible. At the same time, a European push is growing to drop the threat of sanctions against Iran in favor of negotiations.
That's good news. However, the House intelligence report shows that the hawkish clique is prepared to roll over analysts and experts who don't reach the desired conclusion. And such dissenters will not have the (aptly named) bully pulpit routinely available to George W. Bush. Which brings us to the media and Congress. Each will have to be far more discriminating and diligent than it was the last time around. No automatic transmission belt. No rubber stamp. No forgetting.
http://www.thenation.com/docprint.mhtml?i=20061009&s=iran
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--> Karl Rove is the key!
Der zieht die Strippen im Hintergrund und plant das Vorgehen. Schmutzige Tricks sind dabei Programm. Seine spezielle Stärke ist, beim Gegner nicht die Schwäche anzugreifen, sondern dessen Stärke. z.B. bei John Kerry (=in Vietnam Medaille erhalten), Rove dreht es so, dass er als Schwächling dasteht (Swift Boat Vets, oder wie die hiessen).
Es gibt dazu eine aufschlussreiche Doku --> www.bushsbrain.com (für 4.95$) kann man sich den Film auch downloaden.
Luftangriffe auf den Iran als wahltaktisches Manöver? Könnt ich mir sehr gut vorstellen. Meine Frage: 1) Fallen die Amis nochmals drauf rein? 2) wie wird die Börse drauf reagieren (runter oder rauf)?
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Am Mittwoch hatte President Bush in einer grossen Rede gesagt,USA würden eine harte Haltung gegenüber Iran und Syrien einnehmen,die den Irak destabilisieren.Er beschuldigte auch den Iran,atomare Waffen zu suchen,beides bezeichnet der Iran als unzutreffend .
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/6251167.stm
Bush spielt mit dem Feuer!
The playbook is familiar: Pump up the threat, use the media as a conveyor and watch public opinion swing toward war.
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Mehr Sorgen machen mir unsere Leute, die sich über die diverse Parteischienen nen goldenen Arsch verdient haben und dem Versager G. W. hinterher rennen. An vorderster Front das Landei aus der Uckermark.
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Und wie reagiert Angela Merkel? Die Bundeskanzlerin und EU-Ratsvorsitzende schweigt – und billigt also. Wenig Wunder. Wäre es 2003 nach ihr gegangen, würden im besetzten Zweistromland seit vier Jahren auch deutsche Soldaten morden und sterben. »Die Europäische Union wird die irakische Regierung weiterhin bei ihren Bemühungen um Wiederaufbau und Stabilisierung unterstützen«, ließ die Kriegskomplizin als »deutsche EU-Ratspräsidentschaft« einschläfernd verlauten. Aus Berlin kein Wort zur Eskalationsstrategie.www.jungewelt.de
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Führende Politiker verweigern ihm die Gefolgschaft bei seinem Vorhaben, die US-Truppen im Irak aufzustocken. Für den republikanischen Senator Chuck Hagel ist der Bush-Plan nicht weniger als der „gefährlichste außenpolitische Fehltritt seit Vietnam“. Er werde sich dem Plan widersetzen.Zugleich machen die gegnerischen Demokraten mit ihrer neuen Mehrheit im Kongress gegen den Plan mobil. Bush muss aufpassen, dass seine Vorwärtsstrategie für den Irak nicht schon im Inland steckenbleibt.
Im Kapitol, dem Sitz des Kongresses, ist der Schlagabtausch in vollem Gange. Der renommierte Außenpolitiker Hagel ist nicht der erste republikanische Senator, der sich gegen die von Bush angekündigte Aufstockung der Truppen wendet.
Zahlreiche Republikaner stehen 2008 zur Wiederwahl an und fürchten einen Denkzettel. Bush hingegen muss sich bei seiner Politik nicht von solchen Überlegungen leiten lassen: Er darf 2008 nicht mehr kandidieren, weil er bis dahin zwei Amtszeiten absolviert hat.Viele Republikaner haben wenig Lust, ihr politisches Schicksal an einen Präsidenten mit Verlierer-Image zu knüpfen. In seiner Partei hat Bush an Respekt eingebüßt.
Leidtragende des Unmuts wurde Außenministerin Condoleezza Rice, die am Tag nach Bushs groß angekündigter Strategie-Rede dem Senat Rede und Antwort über die Irak-Politik stehen musste. Auch republikanische Parteifreunde gingen die Ministerin hart an.
Als Rice ausführte, dass die US-Armee im Irak keinesfalls zwischen die Fronten eines schiitisch-sunnitischen Bürgerkriegs geraten ist, erwiderte Senator Hagel kühl: „Frau Ministerin, ihre Erkenntnisse und meine unterscheiden sich sehr. Was Sie hier sagen, ist nicht wahr.“http://www.sueddeutsche.de/,tt6m2/ausland/artikel/881/97784/
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Would President Bush go to war to stop Tehran from getting the bomb?
The Bush Administration, while publicly advocating diplomacy in order to stop Iran from pursuing a nuclear weapon, has increased clandestine activities inside Iran and intensified planning for a possible major air attack. Current and former American military and intelligence officials said that Air Force planning groups are drawing up lists of targets, and teams of American combat troops have been ordered into Iran, under cover, to collect targeting data and to establish contact with anti-government ethnic-minority groups. The officials say that President Bush is determined to deny the Iranian regime the opportunity to begin a pilot program, planned for this spring, to enrich uranium..... A government consultant with close ties to the civilian leadership in the Pentagon said that Bush was "absolutely convinced that Iran is going to get the bomb" if it is not stopped. He said that the President believes that he must do "what no Democrat or Republican, if elected in the future, would have the courage to do," and "that saving Iran is going to be his legacy."
One former defense official, who still deals with sensitive issues for the Bush Administration, told me that the military planning was premised on a belief that "a sustained bombing campaign in Iran will humiliate the religious leadership and lead the public to rise up and overthrow the government." He added, "I was shocked when I heard it, and asked myself, 'What are they smoking?' "
The rationale for regime change was articulated in early March by Patrick Clawson, an Iran expert who is the deputy director for research at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and who has been a supporter of President Bush. "So long as Iran has an Islamic republic, it will have a nuclear-weapons program, at least clandestinely," Clawson told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on March 2nd. "The key issue, therefore, is: How long will the present Iranian regime last?"
When I spoke to Clawson, he emphasized that "this Administration is putting a lot of effort into diplomacy." However, he added, Iran had no choice other than to accede to America's demands or face a military attack. Clawson said that he fears that Ahmadinejad "sees the West as wimps and thinks we will eventually cave in. We have to be ready to deal with Iran if the crisis escalates." Clawson said that he would prefer to rely on sabotage and other clandestine activities, such as "industrial accidents." But, he said, it would be prudent to prepare for a wider war, "given the way the Iranians are acting. This is not like planning to invade Quebec."
One military planner told me that White House criticisms of Iran and the high tempo of planning and clandestine activities amount to a campaign of "coercion" aimed at Iran. "You have to be ready to go, and we'll see how they respond," the officer said. "You have to really show a threat in order to get Ahmadinejad to back down." He added, "People think Bush has been focussed on Saddam Hussein since 9/11," but, "in my view, if you had to name one nation that was his focus all the way along, it was Iran." (In response to detailed requests for comment, the White House said that it would not comment on military planning but added, "As the President has indicated, we are pursuing a diplomatic solution"; the Defense Department also said that Iran was being dealt with through "diplomatic channels" but wouldn't elaborate on that; the CIA said that there were "inaccuracies" in this account but would not specify them.) Some operations, apparently aimed in part at intimidating Iran, are already under way. American Naval tactical aircraft, operating from carriers in the Arabian Sea, have been flying simulated nuclear-weapons delivery missions - rapid ascending maneuvers known as "over the shoulder" bombing - since last summer, the former official said, within range of Iranian coastal radars.
Last month, in a paper given at a conference on Middle East security in Berlin, Colonel Sam Gardiner, a military analyst who taught at the National War College before retiring from the Air Force, in 1987, provided an estimate of what would be needed to destroy Iran's nuclear program. Working from satellite photographs of the known facilities, Gardiner estimated that at least four hundred targets would have to be hit. He added:
I don't think a US military planner would want to stop there. Iran probably has two chemical-production plants. We would hit those. We would want to hit the medium-range ballistic missiles that have just recently been moved closer to Iraq. There are fourteen airfields with sheltered aircraft. . . . We'd want to get rid of that threat. We would want to hit the assets that could be used to threaten Gulf shipping. That means targeting the cruise-missile sites and the Iranian diesel submarines. . . . Some of the facilities may be too difficult to target even with penetrating weapons. The US will have to use Special Operations units.
One of the military's initial option plans, as presented to the White House by the Pentagon this winter, calls for the use of a bunker-buster tactical nuclear weapon, such as the B61-11, against underground nuclear sites. One target is Iran's main centrifuge plant, at Natanz, nearly two hundred miles south of Tehran. Natanz, which is no longer under I.A.E.A. safeguards, reportedly has underground floor space to hold fifty thousand centrifuges, and laboratories and workspaces buried approximately seventy-five feet beneath the surface. That number of centrifuges could provide enough enriched uranium for about twenty nuclear warheads a year. (Iran has acknowledged that it initially kept the existence of its enrichment program hidden from I.A.E.A. inspectors, but claims that none of its current activity is barred by the Non-Proliferation Treaty.) The elimination of Natanz would be a major setback for Iran's nuclear ambitions, but the conventional weapons in the American arsenal could not insure the destruction of facilities under seventy-five feet of earth and rock, especially if they are reinforced with concrete.
There is a Cold War precedent for targeting deep underground bunkers with nuclear weapons. In the early nineteen-eighties, the American intelligence community watched as the Soviet government began digging a huge underground complex outside Moscow. Analysts concluded that the underground facility was designed for "continuity of government" - for the political and military leadership to survive a nuclear war. (There are similar facilities, in Virginia and Pennsylvania, for the American leadership.) The Soviet facility still exists, and much of what the US knows about it remains classified. "The 'tell' " - the giveaway - "was the ventilator shafts, some of which were disguised," the former senior intelligence official told me. At the time, he said, it was determined that "only nukes" could destroy the bunker. He added that some American intelligence analysts believe that the Russians helped the Iranians design their underground facility. "We see a similarity of design," specifically in the ventilator shafts, he said.
A former high-level Defense Department official told me that, in his view, even limited bombing would allow the US to "go in there and do enough damage to slow down the nuclear infrastructure - it's feasible." The former defense official said, "The Iranians don't have friends, and we can tell them that, if necessary, we'll keep knocking back their infrastructure. The United States should act like we're ready to go." He added, "We don't have to knock down all of their air defenses. Our stealth bombers and standoff missiles really work, and we can blow fixed things up. We can do things on the ground, too, but it's difficult and very dangerous - put bad stuff in ventilator shafts and put them to sleep." But those who are familiar with the Soviet bunker, according to the former senior intelligence official, "say 'No way.' You've got to know what's underneath - to know which ventilator feeds people, or diesel generators, or which are false. And there's a lot that we don't know." The lack of reliable intelligence leaves military planners, given the goal of totally destroying the sites, little choice but to consider the use of tactical nuclear weapons. "Every other option, in the view of the nuclear weaponeers, would leave a gap," the former senior intelligence official said. " 'Decisive' is the key word of the Air Force's planning. It's a tough decision. But we made it in Japan."
He went on, "Nuclear planners go through extensive training and learn the technical details of damage and fallout - we're talking about mushroom clouds, radiation, mass casualties, and contamination over years. This is not an underground nuclear test, where all you see is the earth raised a little bit. These politicians don't have a clue, and whenever anybody tries to get it out" - remove the nuclear option - "they're shouted down."
The attention given to the nuclear option has created serious misgivings inside the offices of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, he added, and some officers have talked about resigning. Late this winter, the Joint Chiefs of Staff sought to remove the nuclear option from the evolving war plans for Iran - without success, the former intelligence official said. "The White House said, 'Why are you challenging this? The option came from you.' "
The Pentagon adviser on the war on terror confirmed that some in the Administration were looking seriously at this option, which he linked to a resurgence of interest in tactical nuclear weapons among Pentagon civilians and in policy circles. He called it "a juggernaut that has to be stopped." He also confirmed that some senior officers and officials were considering resigning over the issue. "There are very strong sentiments within the military against brandishing nuclear weapons against other countries," the adviser told me. "This goes to high levels." The matter may soon reach a decisive point, he said, because the Joint Chiefs had agreed to give President Bush a formal recommendation stating that they are strongly opposed to considering the nuclear option for Iran. "The internal debate on this has hardened in recent weeks," the adviser said. "And, if senior Pentagon officers express their opposition to the use of offensive nuclear weapons, then it will never happen."
The adviser added, however, that the idea of using tactical nuclear weapons in such situations has gained support from the Defense Science Board, an advisory panel whose members are selected by Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. "They're telling the Pentagon that we can build the B61 with more blast and less radiation," he said. The chairman of the Defense Science Board is William Schneider, Jr., an Under-Secretary of State in the Reagan Administration. In January, 2001, as President Bush prepared to take office, Schneider served on an ad-hoc panel on nuclear forces sponsored by the National Institute for Public Policy, a conservative think tank. The panel's report recommended treating tactical nuclear weapons as an essential part of the US arsenal and noted their suitability "for those occasions when the certain and prompt destruction of high priority targets is essential and beyond the promise of conventional weapons." Several signers of the report are now prominent members of the Bush Administration, including Stephen Hadley, the national-security adviser; Stephen Cambone, the Under-Secretary of Defense for Intelligence; and Robert Joseph, the Under-Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security.
The Pentagon adviser questioned the value of air strikes. "The Iranians have distributed their nuclear activity very well, and we have no clue where some of the key stuff is. It could even be out of the country," he said. He warned, as did many others, that bombing Iran could provoke "a chain reaction" of attacks on American facilities and citizens throughout the world: "What will 1.2 billion Muslims think the day we attack Iran?" With or without the nuclear option, the list of targets may inevitably expand. One recently retired high-level Bush Administration official, who is also an expert on war planning, told me that he would have vigorously argued against an air attack on Iran, because "Iran is a much tougher target" than Iraq. But, he added, "If you're going to do any bombing to stop the nukes, you might as well improve your lie across the board. Maybe hit some training camps, and clear up a lot of other problems."
The Pentagon adviser said that, in the event of an attack, the Air Force intended to strike many hundreds of targets in Iran but that "ninety-nine per cent of them have nothing to do with proliferation. There are people who believe it's the way to operate" - that the Administration can achieve its policy goals in Iran with a bombing campaign, an idea that has been supported by neoconservatives.
If the order were to be given for an attack, the American combat troops now operating in Iran would be in position to mark the critical targets with laser beams, to insure bombing accuracy and to minimize civilian casualties. As of early winter, I was told by the government consultant with close ties to civilians in the Pentagon, the units were also working with minority groups in Iran, including the Azeris, in the north, the Baluchis, in the southeast, and the Kurds, in the northeast. The troops "are studying the terrain, and giving away walking-around money to ethnic tribes, and recruiting scouts from local tribes and shepherds," the consultant said. One goal is to get "eyes on the ground" - quoting a line from "Othello," he said, "Give me the ocular proof." The broader aim, the consultant said, is to "encourage ethnic tensions" and undermine the regime. ......
http://www.newyorker.com/fact/content/articles/060417fa_fact
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In Deutschland müssten in diesem Zusammenhang dunkle Erinnerungen wach werden: Im Oktober 1987 – in unmittelbarem zeitlichem Zusammenhang mit der Iran-Contra-Affäre – wurde in Genf der CDU-Politiker Uwe Barschel ermordet. Wolfram Baentsch stellt in seinem Buch «Der Doppelmord an Uwe Barschel, Die Fakten und Hintergründe» (Herbig, 2. Auflage November 2006, S. 158, 265ff.) dar, dass der ehemalige Ministerpräsident von Schleswig-Holstein auf seiner Reise, die ihn auf Umwegen zu dem Ort seiner Ermordung führte, von Robert Gates persönlich unerkannt «begleitet» wurde.
Nach Aussage eines Kronzeugen in der späteren staatsanwaltlichen Untersuchung waren die Amerikaner in den Tod von Barschel verwickelt. Robert Gates persönlich habe dem Deutschen mit ernsten Konsequenzen gedroht, wenn er Einzelheiten über Waffengeschäfte bekanntgebe. Nach Victor Ostrovsky («Geheimakte Mossad», Bertelsmann 1994, S. 284ff.) ging es um israelische Waffenlieferungen an den Iran, von denen Barschel Kenntnis hatte und mit denen er nicht einverstanden war.
Kritiker von Gates aus den Kreisen seiner ehemaligen Mitarbeiter und Kollegen bei der CIA verweisen darauf, dass Gates unter dem damaligen Direktor der CIA, William J. Casey, und dem Präsidenten Ronald Reagan zu einer kleinen Gruppe von führenden Verantwortlichen der CIA gehörte, die die von der CIA gesammelten Informationen zum Stand der sowjetischen Rüstung und zur sowjetischen Politik nach politischen Vorgaben so gefälscht haben, dass sie dem Verteidigungsministerium und dem Weissen Haus zur Rechtfertigung gigantischer Rüstungsausgaben dienen konnten (vgl. etwa Louis Wolf, «The Confirmation of Robert Gates», Covert Action Nr. 39, Winter 1991–92; Melvin A. Goodman, «Ending the CIA’s Cold War Legacy», www.questia.com).Diese neokonservative Strategie, sachliche Information durch ideologisch motivierte Desinformation zu ersetzen, um die Geheimdienste und das Militär für eine Politik der hemmungslosen Aggression instrumentalisieren zu können, hat unter anderem zu erheblicher Opposition von realistisch orientierten Kreisen innerhalb der genannten Institutionen geführt, die Gates nun kraft seiner neuen Position im neokonservativen Kabinett Bush zum Schweigen bringen soll. http://www.zeit-fragen.ch/index.php
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Mr Gates, making his first visit as defence secretary to Nato headquarters in Brussels, delivered a defiant message at a time of rising tensions between the US and Iran, with the US arrest last week of five Iranians accused of fomenting the Iraqi insurgency and President George Bush's vow to "seek out and destroy" Iranian and Syrian "networks" in Iraq.
der Nachfolger von Rumsfeld ist nicht was er scheint und sicher genau so neokonservativ wie dieser
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http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/816046.html
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der zweite Flugzeugträger ist unterwegs begleitet von Minensuchbooten und die Patriot Missile Verteidigungssysteme sind auch an den Golf beordert.So wie Iran die Hamas unterstützt ,unterstützen die USA Abbas mit Waffen und unterstützt der CIA Oppositions-Gruppen im Libanon.So wie der iran Syrien unterstützt tut die USA mit oppositionellen Gruppen in Syrien
Mag dein man will den Iran nur unter Druck setzen,,aber man sollte die Vorzeichen beachten:wenn der National Security Council wieder Geschichten veröffentlicht wie vor Golfkrieg 2 dann ist es so weit..zusätzliche USAF Kampfflieger in Irak,zusätzliche europäische Raketen in Israel,die neuen Brigaden im Irak an die nördliche Grenze beordert,als letztes dann USAF Tankwagen an ungewöhnlichen Orten wie Bulgarien für die B2 Bomber,sobald das passiert sind es nur noch Tage .....
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TEHERANS ZAUBERWAFFE
US-Regierung kontert Irans Raketenprovokation
Das war wohl ein verbaler Rohrkrepierer. Die US-Regierung weist Warnungen Irans vor einem angeblich neuen Raketensystem, mit dem Kriegsschiffe im Golf versenkt werden könnten, kühl zurück - offenkundig zu Recht. Die Waffe ist für derartige Angriffe ungeeignet.
Teheran - "Wir sehen das nicht als einen direkten Angriff auf unsere Schiffe", sagte der Sprecher des Weißen Hauses, Tony Snow, heute in Washington. Gordon Johndroe, Sprecher des nationalen Sicherheitsrates fügte unaufgeregt hinzu: "Von Zeit zu Zeit halten sie verschiedene Übungen im Persischen Golf ab. Wir beobachten das." Damit ließ die US-Regierung die Provokation aus Teheran zunächst mal ins Leere laufen. Die USA sind derzeit dabei, einen zweiten Flugzeugträger in das Meer vor der iranischen Küste zu verlegen.
Die "USS Ronald Reagan" auf ihrem Weg in den Persischen Golf: Keine Gefahr durch Tor-M1
Der oberste iranische Führer Ajatollah Ali Khamenei erklärte in einer Rede vor Luftwaffenchefs, Teheran lasse sich von Drohungen mit meinem Angriff nicht einschüchtern. Er drohte mit Gegenschlägen weltweit. Zudem hatten die paramilitärischen Revolutionsgarden heute gewarnt, dass alle ausländischen Kriegsschiffe im Persischen Golf in Reichweite iranischer Raketen seien. General Hossein Salami erklärte, die neuen Raketen vom Tor-M1 seien erfolgreich getestet worden. Damit könnten nun alle Kriegsschiffe im Golf unter Beschuss genommen werden. Im staatlichen Fernsehen waren Aufnahmen des Tests zu sehen.
Experten bezweifeln allerdings, dass die Raketen tatsächlich Schiffe im Golf erreichen könnten. Denn das Tor M1-System verschießt nach Angaben der Federation of American Scientists (FAS) lediglich Boden-Luft-Raketen mit einer Reichweite von zwölf Kilometern und einem 15 Kilogramm leichten Sprengkopf - genug, um ein Flugzeug vom Himmel zu holen, aber keine Gefahr für ein Kriegsschiff.
Die paramilitärischen Revolutionsgarden hatten gestern mit einem neuen Militärmanöver im Golf begonnen. Damit soll Irans Verteidigungsbereitschaft angesichts einer wachsenden Präsenz der US-Marine im Golf gezeigt werden. Das Tor-M1-System basiere auf dem Prinzip der Abschreckung, sagte Salami.
Das Tor-M1-System stammt aus Russland. Teheran und Moskau hatten 2005 einen Vertrag über den Ankauf von 29 dieser Raketen mit geschätztem Wert von 700 Millionen Dollar (rund 540 Millionen Euro) abgeschlossen. Im Januar lieferte Russland die Raketen, obwohl die USA heftige Kritik an dem Waffengeschäft geübt hatten. Der Sicherheitsrat der Uno hatte im Dezember Wirtschaftssanktionen gegen Iran verhängt, um das Land zur Aussetzung seines umstrittenen Atomprogramms zu bringen.
Spione enttarnt
Der Westen verdächtigt die Islamische Republik, unter dem Deckmantel der Stromerzeugung an der Entwicklung von Atomwaffen zu arbeiten. Iran hat die Vorwürfe zurückgewiesen und Forderungen nach einem Ende der Anreicherung von Uran abgelehnt.
Die iranische Regierung hat eigenen Angaben zufolge ein amerikanisch-israelisches Spionagenetzwerk aufgespürt. Der für die Geheimdienste zuständige Minister Gholam Hossein Mohseni Edschehi gab heute zugleich die Festnahme einer Gruppe von Iranern bekannt, die ins Ausland habe reisen wollen, um sich dort als Spione ausbilden zu lassen. Ob auch Mitglieder des angeblichen Spionagenetzwerks inhaftiert wurden, sagte der Minister nicht. Er deutete jedoch an, dass die Gruppe überwacht werde. Es handele sich um Agenten der CIA und des israelischen Geheimdienstes Mossad, sagte der Minister. Das Netzwerk sei an der iranischen Grenze aktiv gewesen.
Solana zu Gesprächen bereit
Der iranische Chefunterhändler Ali Laridschani kündigte an, er werde am Wochenende am Rande der Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz mit westlichen Mächten verhandeln. Mit wem er über welche Themen sprechen wollte, habe Laridschani offengelassen, hieß es in einer Mitteilung der amtlichen Nachrichtenagentur Irna. EU-Chefdiplomat Javier Solana zeigte sich heute zu einem Treffen mit dem iranischen Unterhändler im Atomkonflikt bereit. Falls er und Laridschani einander in München begegneten, sei eine kurze Beratung möglich, sagte Solana in Brüssel. "Im Moment habe ich aber noch nichts verabredet", fügte er hinzu.
Laridschani hatte kürzlich Treffen mit US-Vertretern ausgeschlossen. Die Amerikaner wiederum wollen erst nach einem Stopp der Uran-Anreicherung mit Vertretern der iranischen Regierung reden.
Zur Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz von morgen bis Sonntag werden unter anderem Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel, der russische Präsident Wladimir Putin und der neue US-Verteidigungsminister Robert Gates erwartet.
ler/dpa/Reuters
http://www.boston.com/news/nation/washington/..._us_wont_attack_iran/
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Next stop Iran?
Feb 8th 2007
From The Economist print edition
Why George Bush should resist a Wagnerian exit from the White House
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“WE ARE not planning for a war with Iran.” So said Robert Gates, America's new defence secretary, on February 2nd. You cannot be much clearer than that. With a weak and isolated president, and an army bogged down in the misery of Iraq, the American Congress and people are hardly in fighting mood. Nonetheless, and despite Mr Gates's calming words, Iran and America are heading for a collision. Although the risk is hard to quantify, there exists a real possibility that George Bush will order a military strike on Iran some time before he leaves the White House two years from now.
America and Iran have been at loggerheads ever since Ayatollah Khomeini's revolution of 1979. But four things are making this old antagonism newly dangerous. One is Iran's apparent determination to build nuclear weapons, and a fear that it is nearing the point where its nuclear programme will be impossible to stop (see article). The second is the advent of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, a populist president who denies the Holocaust and calls openly for Israel's destruction: his apocalyptic speeches have convinced many people in Israel and America that the world is facing a new Hitler with genocidal intent. The third is a recent tendency inside the Bush administration to blame Iran for many of America's troubles not just in Iraq but throughout the Middle East.
Any one of these would be destabilising enough on its own. Added together, they make the possibility of miscalculation and a slide into war a great deal more likely. That is all the more so when they are combined with a fourth new source of friction between America and Iran. This is the predicament of Mr Bush. A president who is now detached from electoral considerations knows that his place in history is going to be defined by the tests he himself chose to put at the centre of his foreign policy: bringing democracy to the Middle East and preventing rogue regimes from acquiring weapons of mass destruction.
[Da haben wir sie endlich wieder, die "Massenvernichtungswaffen in Händen von Schurkenstaaten" - A.L.]
...Given his excessive willingness to blame Iran for blocking America's noble aims in the Middle East, he may come to see a pre-emptive strike on its nuclear programme as a fitting to redeem his presidency. That would be a mistake.
Never attack a revolutionThis newspaper supported America's invasion of Iraq. We believed, erroneously, that Saddam Hussein was working to acquire nuclear weapons. And we judged that the world should not allow a mass-murderer to gather such lethal power in his hands. In the case of Iran, the balance of risks points, though only just, in the other direction.
Even if it became clear that Iran was on the threshold of acquiring an atomic bomb, an American strike on its nuclear facilities would be a reckless gamble. Without America invading and occupying Iran—unthinkable after Iraq—such a strike would at best delay rather than end Iran's nuclear ambitions. It might very well rally support behind a regime that is at present not conspicuously popular at home, emboldening it to retaliate inside Iraq, against Israel and perhaps against the United States itself. Besides, it is far from clear exactly how dangerous a nuclear-armed Iran would be. Unlike Iraq under Saddam, Iran has a complex power structure with elements of pluralism and many checks and balances. For all its proclaimed religiosity, it has behaved since the revolution like a rational actor. To be sure, some of its regional aims are mischievous, and in pursuing them it has adopted foul means, including terrorism. But the ayatollahs have so far been shrewd calculators of consequences. There are already small signs of a backlash against the attention-seeking Mr Ahmadinejad. Like the Soviet Union, a nuclear Iran could probably be deterred.
But don't think Iran isn't dangerousAll of this suggests that in present circumstances it would be wrong for America to launch a military strike against Iran. But it would be the height of self-deception for anyone to jump to the conclusion that a nuclear-armed Iran would not be dangerous at all. It would be very dangerous indeed.
For a start, there is a danger that Iran's nuclear efforts will provoke a pre-emptive strike by Israel, which is already a nuclear power, albeit an undeclared one. For Israelis, whose country Mr Ahmadinejad says he wants to wipe off the map, it is not all that reassuring to hear that Iran can “probably” be deterred. Even if Israel were to decide against such a strike, Iran's going nuclear could destroy what is left of the international non-proliferation regime. It has proved hard enough for Arab states such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia to live with Israel's undeclared bomb; if their Iranian rival got one too, the race to copy might soon be on. On top of this is the danger that a nuclear Iran would feel safe to ramp up attempts to spread its revolution violently beyond its own borders.
Every effort should be made to stop an Iranian bomb. But there is a better way than an armed strike. In 2002 Mr Bush consigned Iran along with Iraq and North Korea to an “axis of evil”. Since 2004, for lack of good alternatives, he has been helping the efforts of Britain, France and Germany to talk rather than bludgeon Iran into nuclear compliance. Iran claims that its nuclear programme is for civil purposes only. Last year, the Europeans called its bluff by offering trade, civil-nuclear assistance and a promise of talks with America if it stopped enriching the uranium that could produce the fuel for a bomb. When Iran refused, diplomacy led in December to the imposition of economic sanctions by the Security Council.
This is a promising approach. The diplomacy at the United Nations proceeds at a glacial pace. But Iran is thought to be several years from a bomb. And meanwhile the Americans, Europeans, Russians and Chinese have at last all lined up on the same side of the argument. What is required now is a further tightening of the economic squeeze coupled with some sort of an incentive—most usefully an unambiguous promise from Mr Bush that if Iran returns to compliance with the nuclear rules it will face no attempt by America to overthrow the regime. Even then, America and Iran may be fated to lock horns in the Middle East. But the region, and the world, will be a good deal safer without the shadow of an Iranian bomb.
Copyright © 2007 The Economist Newspaper and The Economist Group. All rights reserved. |
Besorgt über das iranische Nuklearprogramm und die Möglichkeit eines Krieges gegen das Schiitenregime im Iran rüsten die Sunnitenstaaten massiv auf .Viele Einkäufe werden nächste Woche auf einem riesigen Fair in den VAR erfolgen.Saudi Arabien beabsichtigt Einkäufe an militiräscher Hardware von 50 Milliarden Dollar:Flugzeuge,Raketen,Angriffshelicopter und 300 Panzer.
Die Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate wollen 2 Milliarden für eine schnelle Eingreifstruppe ausgeben und 6 Millionen für Raketenverteidigungssytem und Luftfrühwarnungssystem sowie Flugzeuge.Beide Länder sind Mitglieder des Gulf Co-operation Council,der 1984 gegründet wurde,um Sicherheit gegen die Bedrohung durch den Iran zu gewährleisten.Andedre Mitglieder sind :Kuwait, Bahrain and Qatar.
Letzte Woche hat Iran ein Manöver abgehalten und seine neuen russischen Raketen ausprobiert und gewarnt,ein Angriff würde Folgen auf alle amerikanischen Einrichtungen der Welt haben.Es wird erwartet ,dass Ahmadinejad heute zum 28.Jahrestag der Islamischen Revolution neue Fortschritte der Nuklearforschung bekannt geben wird.
Die amerikanischen Vorbereitungen für einen Angriff sind weit fortgeschritten trotz gegenteiliger Versicherungen.Ein hoher diplomatischer Saudivertreter sagte,es gebe Besorgnis wegen der amerikanischen Absichten und Zweifel an der tatsächlichen Bedrohung durch den Iran.Die Amerikaner führen eine sehr erfolgreiche Medienkampagne gegen Teheran,Aber es gibt viele Saudis ,die glauben,sie werden hierher kommen und einen Haufen Ärger machen und dann gehen und wir müssen dann mit den Folgen leben.
Tim Ripley,der Experte für den Mittleren Osten bei Jane's Defence Weekly sagte:Die Golfstaaten haben eine Kaufliste von mehr als 60 Milliarden.Der grösste Batzen davon sind 72 Eurofighter Typhoon jets from BAE Systems,für die der Vertrag noch abgeschlossen werden muss, nachdem Untersuchungen wegen falscher Bilanzen bei BAE fallen gelassen wurden .Bei der letzten Idex Waffenmesse wurden Vertäge über 2 Milliarden abgeschlossen,aber dies Jahr wird alle Rekorde brechen,allein 45000 Delegierte werden erwartet und man hat 2 LuxusKreuzschiffe angemietet,um die Leute unterzubringen